George Soros Phone Number, Contact Details, Autograph Request, Mailing, And Fan Mail Address
George Soros’s phone number, contact information, fan mail address, and other contact information and details are all provided on this page.
George Soros is a Hungarian-born American businessman and philanthropist worth a billion dollars. The Open Society Foundations have received more than $32 billion in donations, which has resulted in the distribution of $15 billion, accounting for 64 per cent of his original fortune as of March 2021. As of March 2021, he had a net worth of US$8.6 billion, having donated more than $32 billion to the organisation. Forbes magazine dubbed him “the world’s most generous donor.”
When Soros started his commercial career, he worked in various positions at several merchant banks in the United Kingdom and then in the United States, before launching his first hedge fund, Double Eagle, in 1969. His first hedge fund generated profits, which he used to launch Soros Fund Management, his second hedge fund, in 1970 with little money.
Double Eagle was renamed Quantum Fund, and it was the primary business on which Soros provided advice. At its establishment, Quantum Fund had $12 million in assets under management; by 2011, it had grown to $25 billion, accounting for the vast bulk of Soros’ total net fortune.
Soros is referred to as “The Man Who Broke the Bank of England” because of his short sale of pound sterling worth US$10 billion in 1992, which resulted in a profit of $1 billion during the UK currency crisis known as “Black Wednesday.” Soros is also known as “The Man Who Broke the Bank of England.”
Following his early philosophical studies, Soros developed the General Theory of Reflexivity for capital markets, which he claims provides an accurate picture of asset bubbles, fundamental/market value misalignments of securities, and price disparities that can be used for shorting and swapping stocks.
Let’s have a look at George Soros’s profile, which includes his contact, phone number, email, Autograph request address, and email Id, as well as his mailing address, fan mail address, and residence number.
George Soros Fanmail Address :
250 West 55Th Street,
29th Floor New York,
If you are one of his many admirers and who want to write a letter to George Soros’s, we recommend that you utilize his fan mail address provided here. According to the AR, the fan mail address is George Soros, 250 West 55Th Street, 29th Floor New York, NY 10019 United States.
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Having lived through ethnic and political discrimination, George Soros knows what it’s like. He was born on August 12, 1930, in Hungary and lived through the Nazi occupation of the country from 1944 to 1945, which resulted in the deaths of approximately 500,000 Hungarian Jews. To live, his Jewish family had to get fraudulent identification documents, disguise their histories, and assist others in doing so as well. Afterwards, Soros reflected that “not only did we survive, but we were also able to assist others.”
As the Communists secured control in Hungary during the postwar period, Soros relocated to London in 1947. He supported himself by working part-time as a railroad porter and a nightclub waiter to help pay for his studies at the London School of Economics. The next year, he immigrated to the United States and immediately entered the world of banking and investing, where he amassed a substantial fortune. The year 1973 marked the beginning of his hedge fund, which he grew to become one of the most successful venture capitalists in the history of the United States.
George Soros established the Open Society Foundations, a global network of foundations, partners, and initiatives operating in more than 120 countries using his riches. Our name and work are inspired by the philosophy of Karl Popper, which Soros first read while studying at the London School of Economics, and which has had an impact on his thinking.
When arguing for the existence of a final arbiter of truth in his book Open Society and Its Enemies, Popper argues that societies can only flourish when they allow for democratic governance, freedom of expression, and respect for individual rights. This approach is central to The Open Society Foundations’ mission of advancing human rights.
During the apartheid era in South Africa, George Soros started his charity by awarding scholarships to Black South Africans. Through paying scholarly tours to the West and supporting emerging independent cultural organisations, among other measures, he assisted in promoting the free interchange of ideas in Communist Hungary throughout the 1980s. The Central European University was founded after the collapse of the Berlin Wall as a venue for critical thought, a novel notion for most institutions in what was then called the Soviet Union.
He steadily extended his philanthropic activities to include Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the United States after the Cold War ended, supporting a huge variety of new attempts to develop more responsible, transparent, and democratic communities. He died in 2005.
He was one of the first prominent voices to condemn the war on drugs, claiming that it was “perhaps more destructive than the drug issue itself,” and he was instrumental in launching the medical marijuana movement in the United States. In the early 2000s, he became a strong supporter of campaigns to legalise same-sex marriage. Although his causes have developed through time, they adhere closely to his ideals of a free and democratic society.
His charitable contributions have extended beyond his Foundations, including contributions to independent groups such as Global Witness, the International Crisis Group, the European Council on Foreign Relations, and the Institute for New Economic Thinking.
At the age of ninety-one, George Soros takes a personal interest in the Open Society Foundations, travelling extensively to support our work and pushing for beneficial policy reforms with global leaders in public and private forums. After transferring $18 billion of his money to the Open Society Foundations, Soros’ cumulative contributions to the Foundations since 1984 have totalled more than $32 billion, according to the Open Society Foundations’ announcement in 2017.
One thing has been consistent throughout Soros’s humanitarian career: his dedication to combating the world’s most intractable challenges. He is well-known for emphasising the significance of addressing losing causes’ root causes. Soros himself acknowledges that many of the topics he’s taken on, such as climate change, are the kinds of problems for which a comprehensive answer is unlikely to ever be discovered.
For example, George Soros once stated, “My success in the financial markets has provided me with a higher degree of freedom than most other individuals.” Because of his independence, he has been able to chart his course toward a more open, fairer, and egalitarian world for all people.
To give back to society, Soros used part of his income to establish the Open Society Foundations in 1984, which consisted of a network of foundations and charitable organizations. Most of his activity was concentrated on Eastern Europe for the first few years, beginning with Hungary. There, he granted scholarships, provided technical aid, and assisted in the modernization of schools and companies. The promises that Soros received were that his organization would be able to function without interference from the government, even though Hungary was still a communist country.
As the Cold War ended and the Soviet authority fell, Soros founded foundations in countries such as Czechoslovakia, Poland, Russia, and Yugoslavia, among other countries. Some detractors said he was contradictory by denouncing “short-termism” in Western countries while profiting from short-term foreign exchange trading.
His generosity persisted, though, as he spent large amounts of money to aid in establishing democracy in Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. In the early twenty-first century, the Open Society Foundations was engaged in more than seventy-five different nations worldwide. As of 2017, it was claimed that Soros had donated around $18 billion to the organization in recent years, elevating it to the position of one of the world’s greatest charitable organizations.
Political activity and other charity endeavours were also a part of Soros’ career. As a leftist think tank, The Center for American Progress, he gave start-up funds in 2003. He promised millions of dollars to organizations such as MoveOn.org to defeat President George W. Bush’s reelection bid in 2004. A significant supporter of Democratic Sen.
Barack Obama’s presidential campaigns in 2008 and 2012, he contributed to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 election campaign and Vice President Joe Biden’s 2020 campaign. George Soros made a $100 million donation to the humanitarian group Human Rights Watch in the year 2010. Because he supported Democrats and leftist causes, Soros has repeatedly come under fire from Republicans and conservatives, and he has been the subject of unfounded conspiracies.
Soros is the author of several publications, including The Alchemy of Finance (1987), The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered (1998), and The New Paradigm for Financial Markets: The Credit Crisis of 2008 and What It Means (2009, among others). In the documentary Soros, he was the main character (2019).
George Soros Phone number and Contact Details:
Due to his vast following, it is impossible to directly contact him. His phone number is 212.320.5526. We may also offer his office fax number is Not Available .
Please note that we do not have his personal phone number. You may contact him via his assistant.
George Soros Official Website and Email Id:
|Autograph Request Address||George Soros, 250 West 55Th Street, 29th Floor New York, NY 10019 United States|
|Fanmail Address||George Soros, 250 West 55Th Street, 29th Floor New York, NY 10019 United States|
|Mailing Address||George Soros, 250 West 55Th Street, 29th Floor New York, NY 10019 United States|
George Soros Social Media Accounts
If you want to follow him on social media sites, you must first verify the provided social media networking information, which includes Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook. All of these are official accounts, as shown by the blue tick. Furthermore, he has a YouTube channel, however, this is not a confirmed account.
|Youtube Channel||Not Available|
|TikTok Id||Not Available|
Some Important Facts About George Soros:
- He was born on 12 August 1930.
- His age is 91 years.
- His birth sign is Leo.
Soros’s usage of the term dogma conveys two important aspects of his philosophy: his firm conviction that ideas, rather than economics, drive the course of human history and his faith in humanity’s ability to advance. Therefore, closed societies could not adapt to the shifting fortunes of history because of the dogmatic manner of thought that characterised them, according to Soros.
Instead, individuals in closed societies were compelled to adhere to an atavistic worldview that became progressively unpersuasive “as real situations changed.” Soros said that when this orthodoxy grew too blatantly detached from reality, a revolution that overthrew the closed society would almost always occur. Compared to closed societies, open societies were more dynamic and could reverse course when their dogmas were too distant from reality.
As he saw the Soviet Union crumble between 1989 and 1991, Soros was forced to confront a critical strategic question: what should his foundation do now that the closed societies of eastern Europe were opening up? As part of his new strategy, Soros published an updated version of Opening the Soviet System, titled Underwriting Democracy, on the eve of the Soviet Union’s dissolution.
This new strategy revealed that Soros would devote his time and resources to building permanent institutions that would sustain the ideas that motivated anti-communist revolutions while also serving as a model for the liberated peoples of eastern Europe. The Central European University (CEU), which opened its doors in Budapest in 1991, was the most significant of these institutions. With funding from Soros, CEU was designed to serve as a springboard for a new, transnational European world and a training ground for a new, transnational European elite – and it has accomplished this goal.
How could Soros assure that freshly opened societies will continue to be open and democratic? Soros had grown of age during the Marshall Plan period and had direct knowledge of American generosity during his time in postwar London. He concluded that weak and exhausted societies could not be rebuilt without a significant investment of foreign aid, which would alleviate extreme conditions and provide the bare minimum of material resources to spread the correct ideas about democracy and capitalism to take root in those societies.
Soros frequently argued in the late 1980s and early 1990s that “only the deus ex machina of Western support” could bring the Eastern Bloc to a permanent state of democracy. According to him, “those who have spent their whole lives under a totalitarian regime need outside support to transform their goals into reality.”
Soros insisted that the United States and Western Europe provide substantial financial assistance to the countries of Eastern Europe, grant them access to the European Common Market, and promote cultural and educational ties between the west and the east “that are appropriate for a pluralistic society.” Once completed, Soros stated, western Europe must welcome eastern Europe into the European Union, which would prevent the continent’s future repartitioning.
But Soros’s foreboding cries went unanswered. Since the 1990s, he has linked the growth of kleptocracy and hypernationalism in the former Soviet Union to a lack of vision and political will on the western world at a critical juncture in history. According to him, “democracies tend to suffer from a shortage of values… [and] are famously unable to accept any pain when their essential self-interests are not immediately endangered.” He made this observation in 1995. According to Soros, the west had failed in its epochal job and, in doing so, had displayed its shortsightedness and fecklessness to the rest of the world.
However, it was more than a lack of political will that kept the western world at bay throughout this period. Western capital did pour into eastern Europe during the period of “shock therapy.” Still, this capital was primarily directed toward private industry rather than democratic institutions or grassroots community-building, which aided kleptocrats and anti-democrats in their attempts to seize and maintain power.
Even while Soros saw a critical issue, the billionaire was unable to see how the fundamental nature of capitalism, which places a premium on profit above all else, would inevitably destroy his democratic mission. He was still much too attached to the system that he had overthrown.
Thus, Soros contended, both historical precedent and his own experiences as one of the world’s most successful traders revealed that unfettered global capitalism damaged open society in three unique ways after the end of the Cold War. First and foremost, since capital could migrate anywhere to escape taxes, western countries were robbed of the funds they needed to provide residents with public services.
Because multinational lenders were not subject to much oversight, they were more likely to engage in “unsound lending practises,” which posed a danger to the world’s financial stability. In addition, since these realities exacerbated domestic and international inequality, Soros believed that they would incite individuals to perform unnamed “acts of desperation” that would jeopardise the long-term stability of the global economic system.
Soros saw the flaws at the core of the financialised and unregulated “new economy” of the 1990s and 2000s, years far earlier than most of his fellow centre-leftists of his generation. For the first time, he saw that the United States’ embrace of the most extreme elements of its capitalist ideology might lead the country to advocate policies and practices that weakened democracy and endangered stability both at home and abroad. No other liberal had seen this before him.
According to Soros, the only way to rescue capitalism from itself was to build a “global system of political decision-making” that tightly controlled international finance on an international scale. Soros acknowledged that the United States was the primary opponent of global institutions as early as 1998; by that time, the United States had refused to join the International Court of Justice, had refused to sign the Ottawa Treaty on the Prohibition of Landmines, and had unilaterally imposed economic sanctions when and where they deemed necessary.
As a result, Soros anticipated that at some point, American leaders would see the need of leading a coalition of democracies devoted to “supporting the growth of open societies improving international law and the institutions necessary for a global open society.”
The billionaire financier nevertheless did not have a strategy for dealing with the growing antagonism of American elites against globalisation that did not suit their military interests or offer them immediate and tangible economic rewards. Soros’s strong belief in the importance of ideas in bringing about historical change was a key flaw in his thinking.
Instead of delving into the details of the situation, he merely said that “change would have to begin with a change of attitudes, which would then be progressively translated into a change of policy.” Soros’s position as a member of the hyper-elite, along with his conviction that, despite its faults, history was moving in the right direction, prevented him from taking into account the ideological impediments that stood in the way of his internationalist ambitions.
As a result of the George W. Bush administration’s forceful response to the September 11 attacks, Soros was obliged to shift his attention away from economics and politics. The Bush administration’s worldview was anathema to Soros, and he aggressively opposed it. According to George Soros’ 2004 book The Bubble of American Supremacy, Bush and his inner circle subscribed to a “rudimentary kind of social Darwinism” that thought that “life is a war for survival, and we must rely heavily on the use of force to survive.”
Before September 11, “the extremes of [this] misguided ideology were contained within the confines of our democracy.” Nonetheless, the authors assert that Bush “deliberately cultivated the dread that has seized the nation” to quiet criticism and garner support for a futile strategy of forceful unilateralism. Nazi and Soviet rhetoric, which Soros felt had been left behind in Europe, was uncannily similar to comments such as “either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists” and “either you are with us or you are with the terrorists.”
Soros was afraid, and correctly so that Bush would plunge the US into a “perpetual state of war,” marked by worldwide involvement and domestic persecution due to his actions. Consequently, the president jeopardized world peace and the notion of an open society as a whole.
On the other hand, Soros was persuaded that Bush’s “radical worldview” did not correspond to “the majority of Americans’ beliefs and values,” and he predicted that John Kerry would be elected president in 2004. Soros anticipated that Kerry’s victory would result in a “dramatic rethinking of America’s standing in the world,” with people abandoning unilateralism in favour of international partnership after the election.
However, Kerry lost the election, forcing the donor to cast doubt on the political intelligence of regular Americans for the first time. Soros had something like a religious crisis after the 2004 presidential election. According to Soros’ 2006 book The Age of Fallibility, Bush’s re-election was due to the United States being a “‘feel-good’ society incapable of confronting tough facts.”
Americans, as Soros put it in his address, would rather be “grievously misled by the Bush administration” than confront the tragedies of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, as well as the war on terror, head-on. Americans, according to Soros, were willing to trust politicians’ promises that the nation could win something as absurd as the war on terror because they were influenced by market fundamentalism and its obsession with “success.”
Soros was convinced by Bush’s victory that the United States would survive as an open society only if Americans came to understand “that the truth matters”; otherwise, they would continue to support the war on terror and the resulting catastrophes. However, it remained unclear how Soros may influence public opinion in the United States.
Soros redirected his emphasis to economics during 2007–2008. He was unsurprised by the collapse; he saw it as a logical consequence of market fundamentalism and took it in stride. He was certain, though, that the world was about to see “the end of a lengthy period of relative stability centred on the United States as the dominant power and the dollar as the principal international reserve currency,” as he wrote in his 2008 book The New Paradigm for Financial Markets.
Because Soros predicted the US’s demise, he started investing his hopes for an open global society in the European Union, despite his previous unhappiness with the union’s members for failing to adequately embrace eastern Europe in the 1990s. While he admitted that the EU had significant shortcomings, he argued that it was an institution in which nations willingly “agreed to a limited transfer of sovereignty” for the sake of the whole European community. As a result, it functioned as a regional model for a global system based on open society principles that were ultimately implemented globally.
On the other hand, Soros’s dreams for the EU were quickly smashed by three crises threatening the union’s stability: the worsening global recession, the refugee crisis, and Vladimir Putin’s revanchist assault on international norms and law to mention a few. While Soros believed that western nations might theoretically mitigate these concerns, he concluded that they would be unlikely to do so after the post-Soviet period’s failures.
The west’s refusal to forgive Greece’s debt, its failure to develop a common refugee policy, and its refusal to consider bolstering sanctions against Russia with the material and financial assistance Ukraine requires to defend itself following Putin’s 2014 annexation of Crimea have all disappointed Soros over the last decade. He was further worried by the rise of right-wing ethnonationalism in several European nations, from the United Kingdom to Poland, which he felt had been eradicated by history. After the United Kingdom voted to leave the union in 2016, he became convinced that “the EU’s disintegration [was] irreversible.” However, the EU did not perform as Soros’s role model envisaged.
Soros is intimately familiar with the racist authoritarianism that has posed a threat to the European Union and democracy in general in the last decade. Since 2010, Viktor Orbán, Hungary’s authoritarian and anti-immigrant prime minister, has been a regular target of the philanthropist’s wrath. Soros recently accused Orbán of “attempting to re-establish the kind of phoney democracy that thrived during the first and second world wars.”
Orbán spent the majority of his re-election campaign earlier this year demonizing Soros, using anti-Semitic tropes and alleging that Soros was secretly scheming to move millions of immigrants to Hungary, all of which helped triumph his election. Additionally, Orbán has threatened to close the Central European University, which his government has mockingly termed “the Soros university,” The Hungarian parliament passed new anti-immigrant legislation last month branded “Stop Soros.”
If Viktor Orbán is a threat to Hungary’s free society, Donald Trump threatens the whole open society. Soros has attributed Trump’s victory to the harmful cultural implications of market fundamentalism and the Great Recession during the 2008-2009 financial crisis. George Soros, a billionaire investor, argued in a December 2016 op-ed piece that Americans voted for Trump, a “con artist and would-be dictator,” because “elected leaders failed to live up to voters’ legitimate expectations and aspirations [and] this failure led electorates to lose faith in the prevailing versions of democracy and capitalism.”
Soros said that, rather than distributing globalization’s riches evenly, capitalism’s “winners” failed to “compensate the losers,” leading to a substantial increase in domestic inequality – and animosity. Soros’ goal has ground to a stop in Hungary, the United States, and several other countries worldwide, where he has concentrated his efforts and invested.
Six US senators wrote to then-Secretary of State Rex Tillerson in March 2017 demanding that he investigate multiple grants granted by the State Department and the US Agency for International Development (USAID) to groups financed by “left-wing” investors George Soros.
As part of the same investigation, the conservative watchdog group Judicial Watch filed a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit against the US Department of State and the US Agency for International Development (USAID), demanding that they turn over records relating to approximately $5 million transferred from USAID to Soros’s Open Society branch in Macedonia. Specifically, the complaint alleges that the monies were used to weaken the Macedonian government actively. Since Yugoslavia’s collapse, the Open Society Foundation has said that its work in Macedonia has focused on ethnic reconciliation and other forms of assistance.
“Stop Operation Soros” (SOS) is a movement against George Soros in Macedonia in January 2017. SOS’s mission is to provide “questions and answers on how Soros operates globally,” It invites people to contribute to the research by submitting questions and answers. According to Nenad Mircevski, one of the initiative’s creators, SOS would work to “de-Sorosize” Macedonia during a subsequent month’s press conference.
On May 16, 2018, Soros’ Open Society Foundations announced the move of its Budapest office to Berlin, citing an “increasingly repressive” environment in Hungary as the cause.
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